Richard Katz, who is one of the few reasons
why I hesitate to swear off the NBR Japan forum completely and for good, has
had the foresight to ask around and writes:
“I asked the same question and was told by
as US security expert that the [Maritime Self-Defense Force (MSDF)] (and
others) CAN distinguish between fire-control radar and surveillance radar. What
I don't know is whether the MSDF can, or does, keep any sort of electronic
record that would allow them to prove their case.”
I assume that they do since it’s hard to
believe that the MSDF can make any kind of definitive confirmation after the
fact unless they had detailed electronic records. Besides, how would you go
about making improvements to the radar system without that kind of information?
But will the MSDF be willing to release them in light of the potential military
intelligence regarding its technical capabilities that would be revealed?
Rick wonders too, and I was going to see
what I could dig up if the media doesn’t go after the authorities over this
long weekend. Well they are. Sort of. Yomiuri reports
that Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera went on Yomiuri TV this morning (Feb. 9), where he rejected the Chinese
defense ministry’s explanation, stating that “a surveillance radar spins but a
fire-control radar tracks a vessel all along. [The PLA Navy frigate] used it in
that manner (in the images that the Maritime Self-Defense Force captured)” and that
“the government is currently considering the extent to which (the evidence [that
the JMSD destroyer was beamed] can be made public.”
Video and pictures should be pretty useful to
experts in determining what happened. Although it appears to me that the
Chinese side is suggesting, albeit vaguely, that the frigate trained a
surveillance radar on the destroyer, the video should provide powerful evidence
on the truthfulness of such a Chinese counterclaim even without the electronic
records.
The only case where the electronic records
would be necessary is where the two radars are visually and electronically undistinguishable
in real time. Otherwise, even if it were a surveillance radar, locking it on a
vessel would be the maritime equivalent of pointing a middle finger in the dark
like a gun barrel. It’s unlikely, if the Japanese claim that it took days to
make sure are true, but it would serve as a face-saving, if flimsy, excuse for
the Chinese side.
Meanwhile, Sankei
reports that the Chinese movements (Sankei uses the word “provocation”)
around the Senkaku Islands and more broadly the Ease China Sea have been
subdued since the Japanese government revealed the January 30 radar incident on
February 5. This may be temporary even if true, but still generates potential
for an opening for easing of tensions if the Abe administration is willing to
proceed sub rosa from here. Save Chinese face, and perhaps they’ll ease up—surely
not terminate—territorial intrusions. But would Prime Minister Abe be inclined
to go there? If the Chinese side is willing to settle for a way back to the
pre-purchase status quo but under more stable ownership, yes, but I’m not taking
any bets here.
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