I prided myself over a forecast of a likely
LDP majority (241 seats or more) with just 30% of the popular vote in the proportional
regional districts (PRD), which is the best measure of the underlying national support
for a political party, when conventional wisdom was looking at a LDP-Komeito
coalition majority. It turns out that the LDP won 294 seats (296 if you count
Kunio Hatoyama and another independent whose name escapes me at this moment) with
just 27.6% of the popular vote, down slightly from 2009, when they dropped to
119 seats with 27.73% of the popular vote. That’s right, the LDP got a smaller
proportion of the popular vote this time and won in a landslide than they did
in 2009, when they lost in a landslide. The difference was that the Third Force
movements took the better part of the volatile floater voters away from the DPJ.
I was merely less wrong than most
people.
Now, there is no way that the LDP can claim
to have gained a popular mandate. They have to earn the public’s confidence and
claw back some of those floaters before they coalesce under a single countervailing
movement. And I think that the LDP leadership understands that. (Shinjiro
Koizumi, who I think is evolving into a leader very quickly, certainly
understands the seriousness of the situation.) That means that Abe must shed
his natural caution and be willing to buck vested interests for causes that
enjoy broad media support. Specifically, I believe that he should kick off his
policy agenda by launching Japan into the TPP negotiation process when he
visits Washington next January—seriously, what else does he think he can get
out that trip if he fails to go there?—and go on from there.
And what of the DPJ? Assume that their bedrock,
habitual-voter support is around 15%—they won 16% of the PRD vote. That puts
tehm at a significant disadvantage against the LDP, which has bedrock support of,
say, 25% and an extra 11% courtesy of Komeito/Sokagakkai (which is somewhat
like running a 40-yard dash with a 10-yard head start). But it’s something to
build on. Moreover, most of the core policy leadership in their 40- and
50-somethings was reelected, most of the members by winning their single-member
districts. I’ve been telling people that their best bet is to go with Goshi
Hosono, the articulate, telegenic 41 year-old, a uniter who came out unscathed
from the post-3.11 process.
I’ve been doing a lot of talking and some
listening, and my thoughts have been evolving from those two notes that I put
up the last couple of days and I’d like to share them here, but that’s all that
I have time for now.
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