There are two important thresholds in the
242-seat House of Councillors (HoC), in principle, 122 for a simple majority
and 160 for a 2/3rds supermajority. The simple majority would enable the ruling
LDP-Komeito coalition to secure Diet approval for all its political
appointments—it has a House of Representatives super majority so it can
override HoC vetoes on any conventional legislation—and the supermajority would
enable it to put a constitutional amendment proposal to a national referendum.
Is the supermajority achievable in the next
triennial HoC election in July, when half of the seats will be up for grabs?
The coalition has 57 members elected to six-year terms in 2007, so they need to
win 103. A
weekend Yomiuri poll says that 37% of the responders intend to vote for the
LDP in the national proportional ballot. I’ll spare me the details, but the
following chart for the proportion of votes on the national proportional lists
and the total seats won (including in the prefectural multi-seat districts) by
the LDP and Komeito shows that in 2001, 39% plus 15% against a divided
opposition produced a bumper crop of…77 seats. That’s impressive, but a far cry
from the 103 that the coalition needs for a supermajority.
year
|
LDP
national
|
DPJ
national
|
KMT national
|
LDP seats
|
DPJ seats
|
KMT
seats
|
2001
|
38.57%
|
16.42%
|
14.96%
|
64
|
26
|
13
|
2004
|
30.03%
|
37.79%
|
15.41%
|
49
|
50
|
11
|
2007
|
28.08%
|
39.48%
|
13.18%
|
39
|
60
|
9
|
2010
|
24.07%
|
31.56%
|
13.07%
|
51
|
44
|
9
|
The LDP could try to rope in some
opposition parties. Specifically, the Japan Restoration Party led by liberal bugaboo
Shintaro Ishihara and his mutual mancrush Toru Hashimoto and the Your Party
would be amenable to the kind of constitutional amendments that Prime Minister
Abe wants. The JRP and Your Party have one and 10 HoC members respectively who
won’t be up for election this year. 103 – 77 – 11 = 15 seats seems doable
between the two, even if they fail to coordinate their efforts at the
prefectural district level. Unfortunately for Abe, the amendments that the LDP will
be anathema to the pacifist Komeito, who will be sure to take their nine seats
from the 2010 election plus whatever it wins in July and vote against them and
possibly leave the coalition altogether, stripping their Sokagakkai votes away
from LDP candidates in single-member districts (House of Representatives) and
prefectural districts (HoC) where Komeito does not run its own candidates. There’s
some talk about amending the amendment rules, but that itself requires a
constitutional amendment, so good luck getting Komeito to go along with that
either when it knows what comes after.
Conclusion: A constitutional amendment is a
pipe dream. Instead, any changes in Japan’s defense posture will come by way of
change in constitutional interpretation, not the constitution itself. Only a
Chinese miscalculation of epic proportions that causes a sea change in Japanese
public opinion will alter that.
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