The market response—a slight fallback or
correction if you will—to the January 22 introduction of the “open-ended
asset purchasing method” under the January 22 government-BOJ accord on “Overcoming
Deflation and Achieving Sustainable Economic Growth” is understandable,
given that BOJ’s monthly 13 trillion yen purchases (of which 2 trillion in
long-term JGBs and 10 trillion in short-term government securities) in 2014 would
increase assets held under the program by a mere 10 trillion yen (a 36 trillion
yen increase is in line for 2013) over and above the existing 76 trillion yen ceiling
and left open the amount that it would be purchasing if any in 2015 and beyond.
The Abe administration must be disappointed
though it is putting a brave face on things, and might want to goose the 2014
numbers and give clearer indications regarding 2015 and beyond when it replaces
the two vice governors and Governor Shirakawa in March and April respectively, when
their terms expire, with its own men (or, less unlikely, women). It may not be
that easy, though.
First, any such decision requires a
majority of the BOJ Policy Board, which consists of the governor, the two vice
governors, and (currently) six members of the board, all appointed under the
DPJ regime and whose terms are staggered to expire two per year in 2015, 2016,
and 2017. Two out of the six board members, which the new BOJ will need for a
majority, is not an inherently high bar and one of them, Yoshihisa Morimoto, is
a former TEPCO executive, so go figure. Still, all the members signed off on the
new purchasing method, including most likely the 2014 figures and the wait-and-see
attitude for 2015.* Could they turn around in just a few months and say, if you really, really, insist, Governor?
* The publicly available documents do not make the second point clear, but the authorities have confirmed that they are subject to the decision of the board, and the documents do identify dissent where it exists.
Second, and this is where guesswork on the
mindset of the Abe administration is required, having the BOJ revise its purchasing
plans for 2014 and beyond sends a message that could be interpreted as: 1) the government
and the central bank are fully attuned, or 2) the government has the central bank
under its control. Is that the kind of ambiguity that it would want, so soon
after it has already introduced
the accord with much fanfare and defended
it against detractors?
My guess is that unless the market outlook
darkens significantly from its perspective, the Abe administration is
going to allow the dust to settle from the BOJ leadership makeover before making
new demands on it and the new governor will feel likewise. However, an
inaugural statement that makes it clear that the BOJ will not wait till 2014
but will revisit the issue with alacrity as the situation requires is clearly
warranted…and I have been wrong on the BOJ before.
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